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Dr. John Arthur and Ato Bizuayehu Lakew conducting Ato Bizuayehu Lakew excavating Tuwatey Cave, Excavating Assura, a 300 year old garrison site.
oral history interviews with Gamo elders. a middle Holocene site.
Dr. Matthew Curtis mapping a Gamo site. Yohannis Ethiopia and Dr. Kathryn Arthur conduct an Dr. Lawrence Conyers and Ato Mingistu using
oral history interview. Ground Penetrating Radar to find subsurface features.
An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Gamo Caste System in Southwestern Ethiopia
John W. Arthur and Kathryn J. Weedman
(University of South Florida St. Petersburg)
Matthew Curtis (University of California Santa Barbara)
Funded by
USF New Researcher Grant St. Petersburg and Tampa Campuses (2005)
National Science Foundation (2006)
National Endowment for the Humanities (2007-2008)
Introduction
Caste societies are present throughout the world in Africa and Asia, yet there has been little archaeological research to document their development. Prior to archaeological investigations, we need better ethnoarchaeological studies that focus on understanding the types and distributions of material culture that may signal the presence of caste societies (Kenoyer 1989). Between 1996 and 1998, we spent two years in southwestern Ethiopia studying the agrarian Gamo people, who have a strict caste system. During this time, we began to outline spatial and material culture patterns that identified the different caste groups (Arthur 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2006.; Arthur and Weedman 2004; Weedman 2000). The goal of our current project is to strengthen our present knowledge of the material culture signatures of a caste society through more intensive ethnoarchaeological and oral history studies and to begin to investigate the origin and history of the Gamo caste society through archaeological excavations.
In our previous research among the Gamo people, we found that households belonging to different caste groups were spatially segregated from each other and that the amount and types of houses, livestock, ceramic vessels, groundstones, and burials serve as present-day indicators of caste groups. In addition, some of the Gamo caste groups are artisans (i.e., potters, hideworkers, iron smiths, and groundstone workers), who leave behind specific craft waste products signaling to outsiders their caste identity. The project for the summer of 2005 will allow us to elaborate our knowledge of the material traces left by artisans for whom we have only preliminary information. In addition, we plan to locate, map, and collect surface artifacts from abandoned villages and households that we will excavate in the following field seasons to better understand the development of the caste system within the Gamo region.
Project Overview
We believe that the Gamo are aligned with many of the characteristics associated with caste systems in South Asia and Africa (Leach 1960; Sterner and David 1991; Tamari 1991; Tuden and Plotnicov 1970). First, the Gamo social system is a rigid social structure that correlates the different stratums with traditional occupations. The Gamo system consists of three caste groups: (1) citizens or elected and hereditary leaders, farmers, and weavers; (2) noncitizens which incorporate potters; and (3) noncitizens including hideworkers, ironsmiths, and groundstone makers (Abélès 1979; Bureau 1981:85-87; Straube 1963:380-384). Second, membership in a specific caste is ascribed by birth and there is no social mobility. Third, each caste group is endogamous meaning that individuals do not marry outside their caste group. Fourth, the artisans are not considered full members of Gamo society and as such are not allowed to hold public office. Fifth, the artisans have a ritual language or argot, which only the artisans know. Lastly, the Gamo reinforce the social submersion of artisans by placing restrictions on their interactions with farmers and associate artisans with concepts of impurity/ pollution. Gamo beliefs indicate that if the farmers or artisans break any of the cultural taboos, they will upset the ancestors who will disrupt the fertility of land and people.
The social, economic, and political segregation of farmers and artisans into distinct caste groups is potentially visible in the location of their households, burials, and material culture, as well as the types of material culture that they own. This project will allow us to expand our knowledge of caste group material culture through ethnoarchaeological investigations. Based on our preliminary dissertation research (1996-1998) we have knowledge of two potential locations for abandoned villages. This project will allow us to verify the presence of these abandoned villages, locate other villages, and begin to investigate the time depth for the presence of artisans in Gamo society and when and how they became situated in lower caste groups.
Methodology
In 2006, Drs. Arthur and Weedman Arthur received funding from the National Science Foundation to begin studying Gamo history through oral history,ethnoarchaeology, and archaeology. We decided to focus on the Borada-Gamo region since most of the village sites discovered in 2005 were found in this Woreda. Oral history revealed that the settlement at Mulato Ochollo is considered the Biara (senior, elder, highest) settlement in Borada. Oral history revealed that the settlement at Mulato Ochollo is considered the Biara (senior, elder, highest) settlement in Borada. Burchay the original settler is said to be from Gergeda located on the other side of Lake Abaya. SpecificallyBurchay comes from Quiera Gonda and the others who came with him originated from Wararatwa, Amara, Wondo, Gondo, Quera Manday, Quera Elada, and Chinasha. These locations are now occupied by Sidama, Oromo, and Koyera peoples, who are both Cushitic and Omotic speakers. Elders described 10“original” settlement sites in Borada. All participants agreed on the settlement order for the first 4 occupations, which begins with settlement at the lowland site of Shasha Shontay followed by the first highland occupation at Ochollo Mulato, Bacera Barena, and Assura Awesto. The remaining settlement order is somewhat contested but most agree on the following order Delama Chileshe Alo, Hirka Dabo Kodo Moko, Tesaso Zonga, Horanay Wanke, Kelay Gera Gurame, and Garu Shongalay. The agreement on settlement order mostly came through
the mnemonic device of setting a fire on Mescal (Ethiopian celebration of the New Year which is conflated with rural celebrations of the major harvest). Each settlement has a day of setting a fire during the week of Mescal, since there are 7 days to the week and 9 currently occupied “first” settlements there is some contention over which day belongs to whom with several villages setting fires on days 4, 5, 6, and 7. All of these early or first settlements are located on hilltops and often near debushas (ritual meeting places) and or burial grounds. Today, settlement is rarely on hilltops.
In 2006, we began to locate, map, and test these highland historical sites described in oral histories. We identified the following sites indicated to be the oldest settlements in either Borada or in their respective kabeles: Kela Gurame {first settlement] (GB1), Ankakoray Geray {first settlement} (GB2), Shasha Shontay Mulato {lowland first settlement}(GB3), Acoma Chileshe Alo {debusha and settlement} (GB4), Assura Awesto {settlement and garrison} (GB5), Suboo/Tesaso Zonga {first settlement, possible Orthodox church ruins, Orthodox clergy burials, and defensive ditch feature} (GB6), Meeta Shongalay{settlement and garrison}, (GB9), Eeyahoo Shongalay {garrison} (GB10), Bacera Barena {first settlement} (GB11), and Garu, Shongalay {first settlement} (GB12). During 2006, we test excavated the Ochollo Mulato site mound feature area (GB7A), Ochollo Mulato lithic area (GB7E), and the Kela Geray Gurame site (GB1). The material culture from these sites suggest the presence of mala/farmer households and degala/hideworking households at both of these sites. In addition to ceramics, Bos taurus, caprines, obsidian and chert scrapers, flakes, blades and awls were recovered from Ochollo Mulato. A possible household wall was revealed in the excavations at Ochollo Mulato Mound. Kela also produced cattle remains and only 3 flakes. C-14 dates at these sites place occupation in the late Holocene. Shovel tests also were conducted at the sites of Kela Geray Gurame (GB1), Acoma Chileshe Alo (GB4), Assura Awesto (GB5), Tesaso Zonga (GB6), and Garu Shongalay (GB12). All the shovel test revealed the presence of ceramics and cattle remains. Lithics however were only found on the surface of Ankakoray (GB2) and Shasha Shontay (GB3) and in shovel tests at Acoma (GB4) and Tesaso (GB6). The lithic material from the surface of Shasha Shontay appears older and may represent late Later Stone Age material. Our goal was to try to establish the depth of cultural deposits and to collect charcoal for radio carbon dating.
Ethnoarchaeological studies in 2006 were focused on two villages, Sabe in Chileshe Alo and Amuru in Dembe Chileshe. The goal was to study villages with all three caste groups and located on hill tops. However, today, there are few villages located on hilltops and/or that represent all three caste groups. In particular, we studied 11 households (2 degala and 9 mala) in the village of Sabe and 7 households (2 chinasha, 1 mala, and 4 degala) in the village of Amuru. We mapped the location of all the households in each village and also the location of water sources and meeting places. At the 18 households studied indepth we made a complete inventory of all the household possessions and mapped their locations. At each household we also noted the caste group and occupation, clan, name and sex of the head of the household, number of structures, number of generations living in the household, and political positions held.
In 2007, Drs. Arthur and Weedman Arthur received funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities to continue their study of Gamo history through oral history, ethnoarchaeology, and archaeology. The archaeological studies included survey and excavation work in the Gamo districts of Borada and Chencha.
Dorze Cave Sites: Archaeological survey in 2007 revealed the presence of cave and shelter sites in Borada, Chencha, and Arba Minch, which all have historical relevance to the living Borada peoples. In Dorze, we discovered 5 small caves Lakeney (GC1), Garbanday (GC2), Manka Cave (GC4), and one shelter Gooyeah (GC3). The shelters were used during the Italian period to escape air attacks. Most of them have rock walls near them and all had ceramics on the surface and a few lithics lithics were visible.
Borada sites: The excavation team excavated 1 x 1 test units at the following sites: the Kela Geray Gurame site (GB1), Assura Awesto (GB5), and Tuwatey Kare Cave site Zonga (GB15), and Bacera Borana (GB11). Carbon-14 dating indicates the historical occupation of the sites. The historical excavations produced pottery, faunal, floral, lithic, and iron artifacts. The prehistoric Cave site Tuwatey Kare produced mainly chert and obsidian raw material, flakes, and modified flakes.
In 2007, oral histories focused on past hunting activities; social groups such as work parties and neighborhood associations, traditional religion and worshipping practices and locations; ritual-political positions such as Halaka, Eka, and Wodala; rituals associated with birth, circumcision, marriage, and death; gender issues associated with work and prestige positions. In particular, Weedman Arthur discovered the presence of female ritual leaders, Gimoowa, equivalent to the male Halaka position.
In 2007, the ethnoarchaeological research was conducted in Amuru Dembe Chileshe, Pagana Zonga, Sabe Chileshe Alo and Tankaray Dembe Chileshe. Amuru and Sabe were villages studied in 2006. Pagana was included this year to include iron smiths in the study. This year’s study include 37 households consisting of 11 mala households (6 in Amuru and 5 in Sabe), 8 degala households (in Amuru), and 18 chinasha households (7 potters in Amuru, 4 in Tonkarary, and 7 ironsmith/potters in Pagana). At each household we also noted the caste group and occupation, clan, name and sex of the head of the household, number of structures, number of generations living in the household, and political positions held.
Field Research 2008
The 2008 field research focused on the Borada and Chencha Woredas. During the field project, the researchers, government representatives, and local workers were divided into several different research teams. Between May 9 and July 11, 2008, we conducted oral historical, ethnoarchaeological, ground penetrating radar, total station mapping, and archaeological shovel tests. The Borada Woreda official, Kebele Chairmen, and landowners were receptive to our research and test excavations at the Borada-Gamo sites. Landowners were given employment guarding the site and/or screening the soil from the excavations. We are however, concerned about the plowing of the historical sites which disturbs the context. Despite our efforts to explain our research and the historical importance to local farmers, it is difficult for the Woreda Offices which are located far from the sites to continually monitor the sites to prevent plowing.
Before each oral history and ethnoarchaeological interview, participants were asked for their consent by signing (or finger stamp) a consent and release form. If participants did not freely agree to participate in the study, they were not included in the study. Specifically they were asked if they wished to participate in interviews, if we could map and photograph their household and possessions, inventory their possessions, photograph them, tape record the interviews, and present and release the information derived from the study, their names, photographs, and tapes in scientific presentations and publications. The participants were reimbursed 15ETB for a complete ethnoarchaeological study of their house to compensate them for their work time lost, which was usually ½ a day.
The Oral History
During the field season Dr. Weedman Arthur, accompanied by Yohannes Ethiopia as a translator, continued the previous research focusing on oral histories concerning the social, political, and economic history of Borada. Dr. Weedman Arthur sought out elder men and women who would be particularly helpful in recounting Gamo-Borada past lifewavs. In 2008, thirty individual interviews were tape-recorded (41 hours of voice-recordings), which will be transcribed by Yohannes Ethiopia. In particular, we are interested in the ideological and functional use of space and material culture. We interviewed elders about past hunting activities; social groups such as work parties and neighborhood associations, traditional religion and worshipping practices and locations; ritual-political positions such as Halaka, Eka, Wodala, Gimoowa (female halalkas); rituals associated with birth, circumcision, marriage, and death; gender issues associated with work and prestige positions. In all instances, we were interested in how public, ritual, and household spaces and materials were used. The oral history interviews were conducted to help us better understand Gamo-Borada past lifeways and their use and interpretation of their spatial and environmental landscape. We hope that this information will help us to better understand and contextualize the settlement landscape in the present as revealed through the ethnoarchaeology and the past as revealed through the archaeology.
Ethnoarchaeology
Dr. Weedman Arthur, Yohannes Ethiopia, and one student conducted the ethnoarchaeological research. The ethnoarchaeological team is vital for creating a model against which continuity and change can be assessed in tandem with the archaeological materials. The goal was to complete the ethnoarchaeological studies of 20 households from each of the three caste groups and all the occupations (mala, chinasha, and degala). We also completed our studies of Borada technology including farming, food preparation, pottery production, hide working, iron production, and weaving. This year, we conducted household ethnoarchaeological research in villages: Mogesa Shongalay and Amuru Dembe Chileshe. In Mogesa we studied 5 degala households and in Amuru Dembe Chileshe 1 degala houshold. We also mapped and noted the location of public/ritual areas. Most of these locations no longer hold significance for the people and have been appropriated for other uses, such as the Kasha (animal sacrificing forest) that is now mined for its rich soils for gardens, the Astro (women’s sacrificing forest) that now is the home of a well; and the degala debusha (hideworker’s ritual area) that is now plowed and planted by a local farmer.
Ground Penetrating Radar
Dr. Lawrence Conyers of the University of Denver participated in the project between June 12 to June 18, to conduct Ground Pentrating Radar (GPR) studies. Ground Penetrating Radar has the potential to reveal subsurface features with out invasive excavation. GPR involves the transmission of high frequency radar pulses from a surface antenna to the ground. This produces radar reflections that can be measured and recorded along grid transects. The reflection waves are digitized into three dimensional images. Dr. Conyers conducted GPR studies on 5 of the Borada Gamo sites. Preliminary analyses of the radar data indicate the presence of hearths, circular and angular wall structures, and compact floors at the 5 sites. Our hope in conducting this research is that it will allow us to detect the presence of subsurface households, so that in the future we can better place full scale excavations.
Archaeology
Our archaeological studes in 2006 and 2007 produced 17 archaeological sites in Borada, 6 in Chencha, and 8 in Arba Minch. The excavation team consisted of John W. Arthur, Matthew C. Curtis, Bizayehu Lakew (SNNRP representative), USFSP students, and local village screeners and guards. The goals of the 2008 field season were to: 1) continue to create topographic maps of the archaeological sites and 2) conduct shovel test of sites to procure carbon that will enable us to date them, so that we can begin to understand the regional culture history and settlement patterns. By the end of 2008, we wished to have topographic maps and dates for highand (2800-2300 meters) settlement sites, mid-elevation (2300 - 1800 meters) cave and shelter sites, and lowland (1800-1200 meters) open air and cave sites. This preliminary regional information will allow us to apply for funding for more full scale excavation in 2010.
Topographic Maps
Dr. Matthew C. Curtis (UCSB) mapped three sites between June 2 and July 5. The three sites mapped are Ochollo Borada (GB 7), Garu, Shongalay (GB 12), and Bacera Zala Barena (GB 11). The detailed topographic maps made using a total station will allow us to show where specific site features and households are located and the locations of the shovel tests and/or test excavations. Our future goal is to map the remaining sites we have found.
Shovel Testing
The excavation team consisted of John W. Arthur, Matthew C. Curtis, Bizayehu Lakew (SNNRP representative), USFSP students, and local village screeners and guards. The goal of the excavation was to test sites to find the depth of the cultural deposits and to find the types of material culture present at each site. In addition, we collected Carbon-14 samples to understand the temporal depth of each site. Shovel tests were done to better understand the stratigraphy and depth and density of cultural remains throughout the sites. Shovel tests were conducted in areas were there were a high density of artifacts on the surface and were we had information from elders to the presence of abandoned households. The surface and each level was photographed. Excavation proceeded in 20 cm arbitrary levels unless differences in soil stratigraphy were noted, at which time we excavated in lithostratigraphic levels. The diameter for each shovel test was 60 cm, except for the site of Gulo Gongolo, Dembe Chileshe (GB 17) were we excavated a shovel test which was 75 cm in diameter. We excavated 49 shovel tests at ten different sites.
Laboratory and Analysis
The laboratory work was conducted by the senior and junior researchers. Dr. Weedman Arthur conducted the lithic and material analysis, and Dr. Arthur conducted the ceramic and groundstone analysis.
Archaeological Materials: The artifacts were taken from the field excavation sites and sorted by material in the field laboratory. Artifacts were sorted into the following categories: bone (b), ceramic/pottery (c), carbon-14 (c-14), beads (d), groundstone (g), iron (I), lithics (L), ochre (o), seed (se), and spindle whorl (sw). The artifacts were placed in bags with labels that indicate the following: bag number, artifact code (listed in the previous sentence), site, unit, subunit, level, date, and researcher.
Because of the heavy clay content in the local soils all artifacts were washed by hand (not with a brush) except for charcoal and soil samples. The artifacts were labeled according to the following system: Site number, unit designation, subunit letter, level, artifact code and number. All materials were counted, weighed, analyzed, and catalogued for storage in the National Museum of Ethiopia.
Lithic Analysis: All excavation, shovel test, and surface lithic materials were
cleaned, labeled and catalogued. Lithics were analyzed for formal typology, raw material type, patina, cortex, platform, planform, dorsal scar, ventral thinning, dorsal ridge reduction, medial undercut, mastic, spurs, retouch class, retouch type and edge form. In addition, we measured with calipers and goniometer: maximum length; distal, medial, and proximal thickness and breath; platform thickness, breadth, angle; depth of retouch and edge angles. Each artifact was also weighed.
Ceramic (and spindle whorls) Analysis: After the sherds were cleaned, labeled and cataloged, the sherds were analyzed regarding the type of sherd (i.e., rim, handle, or body), their interior and exterior surface finish, type of decoration, use alteration, and post-firing treatment. If the sherd is a rim sherd, then the shape, thickness, radius, diameter, percent of rim, temper size, type, angularity and composition are analyzed on each rim. Each sherd is weighed.
Groundstone Analysis: After the groundstone is labeled and cataloged, each groundstone is analyzed regarding its type, shape, description of wear, and depth of curvature.
Material Analysis: Materials include carbon-14, iron, ochre, seeds, and beads were counted, weighed and when possible measured for maximum width, thickness, and depth.
Ethnographic Materials: Some ethnographic scrapers were collected during the 2008 field project and are all were properly bagged and are boxed with the archaeological materials.
Conclusion
This project has been extremely successful in finding and testing historic and prehistoric sites and conducting ethnoarchaeological research of households. The acquisition of permits from Addis Ababa, Awassa, Arba Minch, and Zefene was expedited in an organized and timely manner. The research, as well the permit acquisition, was expertly facilitated with the help from Ato Bizayehu Lakew, who is working in the Awassa Information and Cultural Bureau. Ato Bizayehu contributed significantly to the gathering of information from Gamo elders and excavating the historic sites.
The fieldwork summarized here is the fourth of our four-season funded project. We have collected a tremendous amount of information that we believe will help us to ultimately delineate models concerning our understanding of Gamo history.We have yet to fully analyze the ethnographic and archaeological materials collected during this fourth field season. Therefore we are not able to provide in this report a full description of the material remains collected. However during the next year, we will input our analysis data into computer databases and will be able to better delineate information we have collected in our ethnoarchaeological and archaeological research.
The goal of the project is to return to the field in 2010, to continue mapping the sites and conduct large-scale area excavations of the historic and prehistoric Gamo sites. This will allow us to understand the spatial complexities of the sites and to begin to build an understanding of the culture history and settlement in the area. We will also continue to map, inventory, and interview more households in our ethnoarchaeological research focusing onthree caste groups, mala, chinasha, and degala households. In addition, we would like to obtain more oral histories from Gamo elders. This ethnoarchaeological and oral history research will provide a baseline for interpreting the archaeological assemblages. It is our hope that by combining oral history, archaeology, and ethnoarchaeology we will begin to understand the dynamics and complexities of the Gamo people.
Acknowledgements
We were able to successfully complete the first field season thanks largely to a very professional research team composed of: Bizuayehu Lakew of SNNPRG Information and Culture Bureau; Matthew C. Curtis of the University of California Santa Barbara; Ato Gesagehn Alamayhu of Chencha. We would also like to thank Jara Hailemariam, General Manager of ARCCH, Dr. Yonas Beyene, Head of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology of ARCCH and all of the staff and field personnel in Addis Ababa, Awassa, Arba Minch, Chencha, Zefene for their enthusiasm and aid in completing this field work. This research was made possible by New Investigator Research Grants from the University of South Florida Tampa and St. Petersburg campuses. Finally, we would like to thank the people of Gamo for their generous support and encouragement of our work.
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